Publication: The Star
Issued:
Date: 2005-08-19
Reporter: Alameen Templeton
Reporter:
Reporter:
Explanation of What and Who was Raided and Why |
Publication |
The Star
|
Date |
2005-08-19
|
Reporter
|
Alameen
Templeton |
Web link
|
|
1.
Where
Jacob Zuma's two homes - in Forest Town, Johannesburg, and Nkandla,
KwaZulu Natal - were targeted as the Scorpions swarmed over the
properties.
Why
They were looking for faxes, records, gifts and any
correspondence that could help them in their investigation against Zuma. The
state is pressing charges against him after Judge Hilary Squires found he had a
"generally corrupt relationship" with his former financial adviser, Schabir
Shaik.
Judge Squires found Zuma had been present at a March 2000 meeting
with Shaik and Alain Thetard, a representative of Thint, a subsidiary of French
arms manufacturer Thales/Thomson-CSF, where it was agreed that Zuma would
receive R500 000 a year in exchange for his protecting Thales' interests in
pursuing a lucrative bid in the corvette deal.
What it means
Zuma's
Nkandla home became a major headache for Shaik as he tried to accommodate the
then deputy president's wishes to build an enormous, sprawling complex for his
family. As building costs soared, Shaik took to dipping into R2-million lying in
Zuma's bank account from the Nelson Mandela Children's Fund - half of which was
supposed to be paid into the Jacob Zuma Education Trust Fund - so that he could
pay the builder.
Shaik still owes Development Africa about R500 000.
Development Africa was a trust fund set up to tackle welfare issues not strictly
on the budget of the ANC; the money was also intended to be used for traditional
leaders.
2. Where
Shaik's Durban home and offices of his company,
Nkobi Holdings.
Why
The Scorpions would have been looking for faxes,
records, gifts and correspondence that could link Shaik to the state's case
against Zuma. The state will be looking at issues beyond the arms deal and at
other instances where Zuma allegedly wielded his influence
illegally.
Shaik denied during his trial that Zuma was present at a
meeting in March 2000 at Nkobi Holdings where it was agreed to pay him R500 000
in return for his "protection" of Thint's arms bid. The Scorpions are looking
for evidence that could bolster their contentions beyond any doubt that Zuma sat
in on the meeting, was in accord with the agreement reached and took action to
protect the foreign company.
What it means
Shaik muscled a 10% stake
in ADS out of Thales/Thomson-CSF by coming in as their "empowerment" partner as
they made a bid for the contract to design the computer software that would
control the guns of the warships that South Africa has bought from Germany.
Although the state was able to use a lot of business records from Nkobi against
Shaik, it made it more difficult to do so against Zuma.
Because the
records were from Shaik's own business, they did not need to be verbally
verified as being genuine.
In the case against Zuma, far more
documentation will have to be independently verified as genuine by eyewitnesses.
This means the state has to cast its net as wide as possible to get as much hard
evidence as it can.
The state will also be looking at other instances of
assistance that Judge Squires found the former deputy president gave to Nkobi.
These relate to the credit-card-style driving licence tender (which included
Thomson-CSF), to the Point Road development tender at Durban Harbour and an
abortive attempt by a British academic to train black people in hotel and
catering skills.
3. Where
Thint's offices in Pretoria were also
raided.
Why
The Scorpions were again looking for as much evidence as
they can lay their hands on in their case against Zuma. It will not be enough
simply to rely on evidence brought in the case against Shaik; more, original
evidence will have to be brought to prove beyond reasonable doubt that the
corruption charges against Shaik can also stick to Zuma.
What it
means
Thint was originally one of the parties joined as an accused to the
charge sheet against Shaik. Charges against the company were dropped only on the
eve of Shaik's trial and only after the company had unsuccessfully attempted to
have the charges against it removed in the Pietermaritzburg High Court.
Excluding any possible future agreements not to prosecute the company in
exchange for its co-operation in the investigation, Thint could also find itself
in the dock.
The Scorpions' kid-glove approach to the
company that allegedly paid the bribes has raised
eyebrows in legal circles. Given the possible inadequacy of Nkobi
documentation relating to Zuma, the prosecutors are probably trying to find
evidence from Thint that will back up existing documents.
4. Where
The
offices of Zuma's attorney, Michael Hulley.
Why
The Scorpions will be
looking for any documentation or records that will link Zuma to the alleged
bribes paid to him. They will be looking for business records relating to the
period when the bids for the arms contracts were being made.
What it
means
The Scorpions will have to be mindful of client-attorney privilege and
will only be able to search for and seize records that do not relate to any work
Hulley may have done in respect of the case against Zuma. But any work that may
relate to Zuma's links to the arms deal, ADS and Thint will be of
interest.
5. Where
The offices of Julie Mahomed, Zuma's personal
attorney.
Why
Mahomed allegedly drew up the original "revolving loan"
agreement that Shaik claimed could show that all "bribes" Zuma received were
meant to be paid back. No copy of the agreement has been produced in
court.
What it means
Again, private documentation relating to Zuma
will not need to be backed up by oral evidence, so it would appear the Scorpions
are trying to cover all bases. There may be more documentation in Mahomed's
offices that the prosecutors would like to lay their hands on.
6.
Where
The home of KZN Economic Affairs MEC Zweli Mkhize.
Why *1
Mkhize was treasurer-general of the ANC in KZN
during most of the period in question (October 1995 to September 2002) when
Shaik dipped into funds *1 from the Mandela
Children's Fund and used them for Zuma's benefit.
What it means *2
Mkhize's evidence will be vital in
determining how the Mandela money was to be used.
With acknowledgements to Alameen Templeton and The Star.
*1 Tripe - the reason is that
Floryn Investments was a special purpose vehicle with 50% ownership by Nkobi
Holdings and 50% by the ANC and especially to channel funds from Nkobi to the
ANC. Schabir Shaik and Dr Z.L. Mkhize even had joint signing power on Floryn
Investments's bank account.
This is indeed bumiputera at its rampant
best.
*2 More Accused, more charges?