Publication: Business Day Issued: Date: 2008-09-06 Reporter: Karima Brown Reporter: Hajra Omarjee

New Bid for Zuma Deal

 

Publication 

Business Day

Date 2008-09-06
Reporter Karima Brown, Hajra Omarjee
Web Link www.bday.co.za

 

The ANC is stepping up efforts to keep its leader from having his day in court, write Karima Brown and Hajra Omarjee

Intense efforts are under way to end the seven-year legal impasse between Jacob Zuma and the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), and to ensure he becomes the next president of the country.

Zuma, who has to answer to 16 charges of corruption, racketeering and tax evasion, is the African National Congress's (ANC's) presidential candidate in next year's general election.

With the ANC beginning its process this month to select its candidates for next year's elections, the tripartite alliance has initiated a new plan to shield its future president from going on trial while he is SA's first citizen.

Sources close to Zuma say a "series of engagements" to create an environment in which the NPA "will listen without prejudice" to Zuma's version of events has been set in motion. "There are positive signs that there is a willingness to engage the process," a source says.

NPA spokesman Tlali Tlali would not confirm whether there are talks between the prosecuting authority and Zuma, saying only that the NPA is ready to commence its trial.

The ANC and its alliance partners have been joined in their campaign by a significant section of the business community which argues having an accused person as a sitting president will be damaging for foreign investment and SA's international standing.

While there has been much talk over the past few months of a "political solution" - which includes enacting a law that will prevent a sitting president from being indicted - increasingly, the idea of a "legal solution" is being touted.

What is envisaged is a process that will allow Zuma and the NPA to enter into new discussions about the nature of the charges against him - and to talk about whether the NPA will seek to prosecute him at all costs *1.

The legal options the ANC and Zuma are exploring include requesting a review of the NPA's decision to prosecute Zuma in the hope that the charges against him will be dropped.

As a further safeguard , on November 27 Zuma is bringing an application for a permanent stay of prosecution on the grounds that his rights have been so abused by the NPA that he is unlikely to receive a fair trial *2.

Over the past few weeks senior alliance leaders have been tasked with engaging civil society, business, church and religious leaders to put forward the argument that a legal solution can be found.

On September 12 Judge Chris Nicholson will rule in the Pietermaritzburg High Court whether the process the NPA followed when it charged Zuma was valid, given that he was not allowed to make representations on the matter. If Nicholson rules in Zuma's favour, it remains unclear whether the NPA will have the appetite to initiate another legal bout with Zuma *3.

However, if Zuma loses his bid, he could still persuade the NPA to review its decision to prosecute by exercising his right to make representations to them. This process is likely to run parallel to a raft of appeals in the courts.

Those touting a legal solution to Zuma's troubles with the law are pinning their hopes on a review process that will allow Zuma and the NPA to "engage each other" on the exact nature of the case against him. Sources close to Zuma who have initiated interaction with the NPA say what is required is a "different climate" that will allow Zuma to explain his relationship with his former financial advise r, Schabir Shaik *4.

"Those who used the case as a pretext to persecute Zuma politically are no longer in the NPA," says a source close to Zuma. "Bulelani Ngcuka , Vusi Pikoli and Leonard McCarthy are all gone.

"The situation is very fluid and I believe that we can come to an arrangement whereby Zuma will be able to explain the nature of his relationship with Schabir without the clouded politics that preceded the prosecution*5."

Acting NPA head Mokotedi Mpshe might be the ace in Zuma's hand. An NPA insider described Mpshe as a "nice man who is too weak to do the job properly".

Mpshe has the sole discretion to decide whether to review the decision to prosecute Zuma.

Those in favour of a legal solution say Zuma's relationship with Shaik was never illegal *6.

"Zuma is not the only leader in the ANC who received assistance from his comrades," the source close to Zuma says.

"Yes, Schabir used Zuma's name to advance his own cause, but the same can be said for every other ANC leader who has assisted a former benefactor with securing deals and tenders when they were in government ... the whole system of black economic empowerment is based on this practice." *7

The source says the review process could include the NPA setting up a panel that will examine the Zuma-Shaik relationship and make a decision on whether to continue to prosecute.

"Zuma is prepared to explain his relationship with Schabir.

"We are of the view that if Zuma explains the nature of his relationship with Schabir, it will become clear that it was never illegal nor corrupt, especially given the circumstances which prevailed between comrades at that time *8."

The NPA set up a panel to decide whether there was a strong case against suspended national police commissioner Jackie Selebi after President Thabo Mbeki intervened when a warrant for his arrest was issued.

"This panel can be made up of people who cannot be manipulated politically and would go a long way to also restore the credibility of the NPA - given how they have conducted themselves on the Zuma matter," the source says.

But NPA insiders say Mpshe will find such a process "difficult to justify" *9 publicly - given the NPA's public stance that Zuma has a case to answer in court.

A legal solution which includes the dropping of charges will no doubt provoke mixed reaction in society. Opposition political parties will probably claim that the NPA has buckled under political pressure from an incoming administration and question whether the authority can ever take on political heavyweights.

But, given the NPA's history of plea-bargaining *10 with white-collar criminals and coup plotters such as Mark Thatcher, a deal with Zuma will neither be unprecedented nor out of character *11.

Supporters of this option believe it will allow Zuma to acknowledge that, while his relationship with Shaik was not "illegal, neither was it desired". But it will allow the NPA to remain a prosecuting authority that enjoys the political backing of the new administration *12, and to recover from its reputation as a "politically biased *13" institution that was bent on persecuting Zuma.

However, political observers believe a solution must emanate from a court process rather than a deal with the NPA.

Political analyst Stephen Friedman says an independent NPA review will send a signal that powerful politicians cannot be prosecuted. "You're saying that if they are crooks and they mobilise against the charges the case will go away," he says.

Centre for Policy Studies analyst Aubrey Matshiqi says even if there is consensus that Zuma cannot get a fair trial, a court of law must make that determination. "An NPA review is an academic option. I see it working in theory only as the NPA has already advanced a case."

Matshiqi says that should the NPA withdraw the charges, it will give currency to the widely held belief that the charges against Zuma were always politically motivated.

Other options to unlock the stalemate include Zuma's decision to apply for a permanent stay of prosecution. Zuma will be joined by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and the ANC Youth League, who will apply to join as friends of the court. ANC insiders say this option will be costly for the executive and the ANC in political terms given that SA's controversial multibillion-rand arms deal is likely to be at the centre of such an application.

On Thursday Cosatu warned that such a hearing could lead to "the exposure of the truth behind the arms deal which could implicate a number of other personalities not currently charged" *14.

Sources close to Zuma say he will no doubt call Mbeki, Finance Minister Trevor Manuel, Public Enterprises Minister Alec Erwin, former justice minister Penuel Maduna and other government functionaries to the stand *15.

Mbeki has had to answer uncomfortable questions *16
about his involvement in the arms procurement process. He was the deputy president at the time and head of the cabinet subcommittee that oversaw the deal.

Among the unanswered questions were three meetings he allegedly held with French arms company Thint during this time *17.

The stay of prosecution application will turn into a "trial about the nature of our transition, the black middle class, the government and the ANC's involvement in the kickbacks of the arms deal", the source close to Zuma says. "It will not be pretty. *18"

In the event that Zuma's legal efforts to prevent him from standing trial is thwarted, the ANC will be forced to go the least preferred option of changing the law to shield Zuma from prosecution while holding public office.

"We are of the view that if Zuma explains the nature of his relationship with Schabir, it will become clear that it was never illegal nor corrupt, especially given the circumstances which prevailed between comrades at that time *19".

With acknowledgements to Karima Brown, Hajra Omarjee and Business Day.



*1       If the NPA abandons its charges against Zuma it will also have to abandon its charges against The Two Thints.

If the NPA abandons its charges against Zuma and The Two Thints it will be inviting a private prosecution.

Winning a private prosecution will be very simple indeed based on the already court-proven evidence against Schabir Shaik which directly implicates Zuma and Thomson-CSF.

It will not be very clever of the NPA at all to abandon its prosecutions only to have it taken up and won by a private prosecutor.

NPA - do not do it.


2*      If Zuma wins a permanent stay of prosecution on the grounds that his rights have been so abused by the NPA that he is unlikely to receive a fair trial (a notion which is so preposterous that it has no chance of success), then in any case he has no such claim against a private prosecutor.


*3      If Nicholson rules in Zuma's favour that the NPA needs to take the matter on review, then the NPA will have to find the appetite to do just that.


*4*5    Unfortunately this line of counter-attack is legally-speaking useless.

The nature of the relationship between Zuma and Shaik has already been found by the High Court to be unlawfully mutually symbiotic. This was confirmed by the Supreme Court of Appeal who elevated the unlawfulness to a generally corrupt relationship.

It is impossible that any cosy off-the-record chat between Zuma and the Acting National Director of Public Prosecutions can undo the findings and the judgments of the courts.

Although highly unlikely, the only process that could possibly undo the previous findings and the judgments of the High Court the Supreme Court of Appeal is a completely new trial where the evidence and findings would have to point to a subtlety which retained Shaik's guilt while giving both Zuma and Thomson-CSF (represented by The Two Thints) the benefit of the doubt.

But in all reality and truthfulness there is a far greater chance of finding out that the moon is made up exclusively of the most delicious blue cheese and that this is readily and economically transportable back to earth as raw material for a profitable global cheese business.


*6      The prime mover behind this nonsense (which is in fact contempt of the findings and the judgments of the High Court the Supreme Court of Appeal) is Zuma's main strategist Moe Shaik, brother of criminal Schabir Shaik, defamer Yunis Shaik and plaigiarist Chippy Shaik.

But even if it were true, it is a straw man fallacy.

The biggest corruption charge against Zuma is the proven payment to him by Thomson-CSF. This was proven in the High Court to be a bribe by Thomson-CSF of Zuma facilitated by Shaik. For this criminal conduct Shaik received 15 years incarceration.

But offering and taking the bribe is far more serious criminal conduct by Zuma and Thomson-CSF.

If it were only about money and a little bit of business, then Zuma would be very lucky to get away with the minimum 15 year prescribed sentence for this crime involving greater than R500 000.

Because receiving this money was in order for Zuma to use his office a Deputy President of the Republic and Leader of Government Business to protect Thomson-CSF from a potentially very damaging investigation into the Arms Deal where its own conduct and of some of those among us (such as Thabo Mbeki, Barbara Masekela and Chippy Shaik) would have come into sharp focus.

Thus Zuma's reason for receiving such bribe (which has been found by the courts as having been offered, having been accepted and as having been partly paid) is far more serious than that of facilitator Schabir Shaik and an unsympathetic judge could (and should) hand down at least a 20 year prison term for what can easily be regarded as treason in addition to bribery and corruption.

At the same time even a sympathetic judge should order that the juristic person in this two-sided crime of bribery, corruption and money laundering (actually getting the funds to its destination), i.e. Thales International, should :
*7      The stuck record of the two wrongs don't make a right fallacy.


*8      It should be appreciated that this is not a victimless crime.

Although possibly only indirect victims, all the taxpayers and citizens of South Africa are victims.


*9      It is impossible to justify, publicly, legally, morally, or by precedent.

Indeed, abandoning the charges would be unlawful and possibly criminal.


*10     A plea bargain might be possible, but it is probably too late.

A prosecuting authority normally elects for the plea bargain route because it has a selection of charges, i.e. one or more serious ones which are a bit harder to prove and some less serious ones which are much easier to prove.

In this case the NPA has a dozen very serious charges most of which have already been proven in court.

The NPA has absolutely nothing to gain at this late stage from a plea bargain. It is already on the record as saying it is ready to proceed with the trial and whether directly or by clear inference that it has an eminently winnable case.


*11     So sorry, a deal at this late stage with Zuma will be both unprecedented and illegitimate. Indeed it would spoil the character of the NPA for ever (okay for our lifetimes).


*12     No prosecuting authority requires that it enjoys the political backing of a new administration.

It has a constitutional mandate, indeed an imperative, to act without fear, favour or prejudice.


*13     A typical and quite juicy and ironic juxta-positioning of "political backing" and "politically biased". Kind of makes the argument self-fallacious.


*14     Now we start talking sense.

Two unwrongs make two rights.

Many unwrongs make even more rights.


*15     Other than economical lunar cheese, there could not be anything more delicious.


*16     Wrong, Mbeki had uncomfortable questions put to him on many occasions, but he has never answered them.


*17     Such conduct is certainly unlawful, probably criminal.


*18     To the contrary, this will be one of the most beautiful spectacles of all time, superseding even the Being Olympics and the giant blue cheese gastro-fest.

Even watching Pinnoccio Erwin's and Pinnoccio Mbeki's noses under cross-examination will be worth a business-class flight right to Pietermaritzburg and a few days on the hard wooden seats of the Pietermaritzburg High Court. Of course the transcripts will be priceless.


*19     Like Dr Paul Joseph Goebbels, who thought that if one repeated the big lie often enough that it would become the "truth".

The moon is made of cheese, delicious cheese.