Although many questioned the appointment of recently departed former Special Investigating Unit head Willem Heath, bizarrely, even more questions have arisen since his leaving

ALTHOUGH many questioned the appointment of recently departed former Special Investigating Unit (SIU) head Willem Heath, bizarrely, even more questions have arisen since his leaving.

Mr Heath offered to resign and his offer was accepted without delay by Justice Minister Jeff Radebe , whose missteps are becoming so frequent it is hard to feel confident he is up to the job.

His decision to stand down was a consequence of a truly strange interview he gave to newspaper City Press, in which he effectively accused former president Thabo Mbeki of manufacturing criminal charges against President Jacob Zuma , which is, of course, itself a crime. It appears Mr Heath ­ the original convenor of the SIU ­ was bitter over the treatment he got from the former president.

His treatment might have been unreasonable, but even if it were, it cannot possibly excuse such a brazen accusation. In fact, Mr Heath’s point of view accords with his actions subsequent to his first departure from the SIU, when he swapped sides from Mr Mbeki to supporting the Zuma presidential bid, which included assisting with Mr Zuma’s various court cases.

But Mr Heath also involved himself in other freelance advisory work, including with the late magnate Brett Kebble. Amazingly, he acknowledged during the same newspaper interview that he may have been involved in "hiding" payments that "could be interpreted" as bribes on behalf of the late mining boss.

This is a man who was hired as special adviser to the minister of justice, earning a full-time salary for more than two years.

The point is that obviously a rich stream of subterranean accusations, counteraccusations and score-settling still underlies these intertwined relationships. These unrevealed facts were pointedly referred to by Mr Mbeki in a tirade reminiscent of the elliptical and often impenetrable missives he issued weekly while he was president.

It is hard to say what precisely Mr Mbeki’s perspective is on the topic, but two things are clear. First, the accusations made by Mr Heath are false and defamatory. Second, Mr Mbeki feels there ought to be an opportunity for the truth to be told on these and other matters.

"The Heath allegations have provided all of us as South Africans with the welcome opportunity to ‘out the truth’," he wrote.

While this is clear, some aspects of Mr Mbeki’s commentary can be read in a variety of different ways. He says at one point, "Again I must insist that it is absolutely correct that all necessary action is taken to address all allegations, as happened and will happen with regard to the so-called ‘arms deal’."

Mr Mbeki appears to be calling for not only an investigation of the arms deal but an open investigation in which he seems to be prepared to provide evidence. Although couched in the language of natural justice, it could be read as a kind of a threat that he could reveal previously unknown facts. He writes at length about how he has been implored to write his memoirs in order to clarify issues.

Shortly after making this announcement, Mr Heath resigned from the post to which he had just been appointed. The question now is whether Mr Heath, having opened "Pandora’s box", as Mr Mbeki himself called it, can close it again.

With acknowledgements to Business Day.

While Willem Heath may be blunt and stupid 1, Thabo Mbeki is not only a ("reverse") racist 2, but also speaks with forked tongue.

Willem Heath's accusations may or may not be true, but one thing is for sure is that there is much more behind the iKwezi rape matter than meets the coomon eye.

Regarding Mbeki, he has claimed for eight years to have known about serious wrongdoing (presumably about corruption), but has never divulged it 2. Yet there is a law that obligates one to divulge such information to the state authorities. It is called the Prevention of Corruption act.

1 In the said interview he actually openly challenges Squires J's judgment in the Schabir Shaik case that was upheld in both the Supreme Court of Appeal and the Constitutional Court.

2 Refer to his original digital missives on ANC Today in 2003 and  2004.